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1 And now it came to pass that the sons of Alma did go forth among the people, to declare the word unto them. And Alma, also, himself, could not rest, and he also went forth.
2 Now we shall say no more concerning their preaching, except that they preached the word, and the truth, according to the spirit of prophecy and revelation; and they preached after the holy order of God by which they were called.
The end of our chapter 42 was a testificatory Amen. In Nephite tradition, that required the end of a chapter. However, it wasn’t the end of the story, so the first two verses of our chapter 43 end the story of Alma2’s sons. In Alma 42:31, Alma commissioned Corianton to preach the gospel. Verse 1 in this chapter tells us that Corianton and his brothers, as well as his father, did go forth to preach.
Mormon wanted to include the counsel to the sons, but he didn’t want to add anything about that particular preaching journey. He tells his audience “now we shall say no more concerning their preaching.” The only thing he says is that they preached through the spirit of prophecy and revelation. Unlike the discussion of Alma2’s missionary journey within the land of Zarahemla and the stories of the sons of Mosiah2, Mormon gives his readers no details whatsoever of these journeys.
3 And now I return to an account of the wars between the Nephites and the Lamanites, in the eighteenth year of the reign of the judges.
4 For behold, it came to pass that the Zoramites became Lamanites; therefore, in the commencement of the eighteenth year the people of the Nephites saw that the Lamanites were coming upon them; therefore they made preparations for war; yea, they gathered together their armies in the land of Jershon.
Verse 3 is the narrative shift that moves away from the chapters on Alma2’s counsel to his sons. Mormon returns to the history from the large plates. As with so much of what he recorded from the large plates, it is a return “to an account of the wars between the Nephites and the Lamanites.”
Mormon introduced these wars in the eighteenth year in Alma 35:13: “And the people of Ammon departed out of the land of Jershon, and came over into the land of Melek, and gave place in the land of Jershon for the armies of the Nephites, that they might contend with the armies of the Lamanites and the armies of the Zoramites; and thus commenced a war betwixt the Lamanites and the Nephites, in the eighteenth year of the reign of the judges; and an account shall be given of their wars hereafter.” These wars were precipitated by the failure to bring the Zoramites back into the Nephite fold.
Returning to those very wars confirms that the inclusion of the counsel to Alma2’s sons was a text that was somewhat out of place. Alma 35:13 serves as a conceptual exit point, and Alma 43:3 as the re-entry point, or a repetitive resumption. That technique brackets together inserted text. In this case, text was inserted from Alma2’s personal record into a section otherwise taken from the large plates.
Mormon realized that the departure point was far from this reentry, and so he provides not only a reentry statement, but also the essential context that is needed to understand this particular war. Thus, verse 4 reiterates that it was the loss of the Zoramites to the Lamanites that precipitated this war. The land of Antionum had been the buffer between the land of Jershon and the Lamanites. With the Zoramites not siding with the Lamanites, Jershon was exposed. Therefore, “they gathered together their armies in the land of Jershon.”
5 And it came to pass that the Lamanites came with their thousands; and they came into the land of Antionum, which is the land of the Zoramites; and a man by the name of Zerahemnah was their leader.
6 And now, as the Amalekites were of a more wicked and murderous disposition than the Lamanites were, in and of themselves, therefore, Zerahemnah appointed chief captains over the Lamanites, and they were all Amalekites and Zoramites.
7 Now this he did that he might preserve their hatred towards the Nephites, that he might bring them into subjection to the accomplishment of his designs.
8 For behold, his designs were to stir up the Lamanites to anger against the Nephites; this he did that he might usurp great power over them, and also that he might gain power over the Nephites by bringing them into bondage.
With the southeast corner of the land now without a strong defense, the combined armies of the Zoramites and the Lamanites take advantage of this. This was not the typical entry point for Lamanite invasions, which normally came through what must have been a pass near the city of Manti. However, the defection of the Zoramites opened a new possibility, and this war will end up being fought on two fronts.
Mormon certainly speaks of the Lamanites as the enemy of the Nephites, but he also takes pains to show his readers that even more dangerous than hereditary Lamanites were those who were apostate Nephites who had become Lamanites. That is the case here. At least one people designated as Amalekites had combined with the Lamanites and the former priests of Noah to create a city named Jerusalem in Lamanite territory (Alma 21:2). That they were of the order of Nehor (Alma 21:4) suggests that they were once Nephites. They were among those who most strongly resisted the preaching of the sons of Mosiah2. Mormon makes certain that his readers understand that Zerahemnah, the leader of these armies, was both an Amalekite and one with a particular “hatred towards the Nephites.”
From a historical standpoint, it is interesting that Mormon tells us that Zerahemnah desired that “he might gain power over the Nephites by bringing them into bondage.” The Book of Mormon uses the term bondage to indicate a tribute relationship to a more distant overlord. Thus, this isn’t a conquest for new territory, but is an attempt to create a client state that would essentially pay taxes to the overlord. In this case, the overlord would be the Amalekites. Presumably, the Zoramites would also receive some of those taxes in recompense for their part in the war.
9 And now the design of the Nephites was to support their lands, and their houses, and their wives, and their children, that they might preserve them from the hands of their enemies; and also that they might preserve their rights and their privileges, yea, and also their liberty, that they might worship God according to their desires.
10 For they knew that if they should fall into the hands of the Lamanites, that whosoever should worship God in spirit and in truth, the true and the living God, the Lamanites would destroy.
11 Yea, and they also knew the extreme hatred of the Lamanites towards their brethren, who were the people of Anti-Nephi-Lehi, who were called the people of Ammon—and they would not take up arms, yea, they had entered into a covenant and they would not break it—therefore, if they should fall into the hands of the Lamanites they would be destroyed.
12 And the Nephites would not suffer that they should be destroyed; therefore they gave them lands for their inheritance.
Verses 5–8 gave the “designs” of Zerahemnah (see especially verse 8). Verse 9 contrasts those designs with the “design of the Nephites.” Where Zerahemnah wanted to subjugate the Nephites, the Nephites wanted only to preserve their lands and people. Mormon still remembers that the essential context for this war was chapters in the past, and so he gives yet another repetition of that context. In this case, the people who had been called Anti-Nephi-Lehies, and were now the people of Ammon, were a people who had covenanted not to take up arms. That meant that their relocation to Jershon put a large population into that land, a people who could not be called upon to defend the land. Verses 11 and 12 are part of the refreshing of the context by repeating information from Mormon’s text prior to his insertion of Alma2’s counsel to his sons.
13 And the people of Ammon did give unto the Nephites a large portion of their substance to support their armies; and thus the Nephites were compelled, alone, to withstand against the Lamanites, who were a compound of Laman and Lemuel, and the sons of Ishmael, and all those who had dissented from the Nephites, who were Amalekites and Zoramites, and the descendants of the priests of Noah.
14 Now those descendants were as numerous, nearly, as were the Nephites; and thus the Nephites were obliged to contend with their brethren, even unto bloodshed.
15 And it came to pass as the armies of the Lamanites had gathered together in the land of Antionum, behold, the armies of the Nephites were prepared to meet them in the land of Jershon.
These verses conclude the recapitulation of the historical situation behind this new crisis. In verse 15, Mormon is finished with the background and returns to the current topic he started in verse 5. Interestingly, verse 5 began the story of the armies being gathered together in the land of Antionum, and then led to the discussion of the Lamanite leader.
Here, this same beginning is used, and the next text introduces the Nephite leader (see the verses that follow).
16 Now, the leader of the Nephites, or the man who had been appointed to be the chief captain over the Nephites—now the chief captain took the command of all the armies of the Nephites—and his name was Moroni;
17 And Moroni took all the command, and the government of their wars. And he was only twenty and five years old when he was appointed chief captain over the armies of the Nephites.
Verses 5 and 6 introduced Zerahemnah, the leader of the combined Amalekite and Zoramite armies. Verses 16 and 17 introduce his counterpart, Moroni. Moroni was appointed chief captain over the armies of the Nephites, which meant that he “took the command of all the armies of the Nephites.” That language suggests what was an accurate representation of Mesoamerican armies. There were no standing armies, but rather the people of the land were called up from their various cities to defend those cities. As chief captain, the implication was that there were other captains, almost certainly with a captain at the head of the armies that were gathered from each separate city. Moroni coordinated all the separate armies.
18 And it came to pass that he met the Lamanites in the borders of Jershon, and his people were armed with swords, and with cimeters, and all manner of weapons of war.
19 And when the armies of the Lamanites saw that the people of Nephi, or that Moroni, had prepared his people with breastplates and with arm-shields, yea, and also shields to defend their heads, and also they were dressed with thick clothing—
20 Now the army of Zerahemnah was not prepared with any such thing; they had only their swords and their cimeters, their bows and their arrows, their stones and their slings; and they were naked, save it were a skin which was girded about their loins; yea, all were naked, save it were the Zoramites and the Amalekites;
21 But they were not armed with breastplates, nor shields—therefore, they were exceedingly afraid of the armies of the Nephites because of their armor, notwithstanding their number being so much greater than the Nephites.
Chief Captain Moroni defends his armies with the help of protective equipment. His list of protective gear can be seen to have counterparts in the known military gear used in Mesoamerica, even though what we might conjure up, upon hearing a term like “breastplates,” would be different from Mesoamerican protective equipment. Rather than the European fitted metal version, Mesoamerican breastplates were more often wooden and flat, covering only the breast. Arm shields would be smaller shields, perhaps called bucklers in European military terminology. “Shields to defend their heads” indicates some type of head protection without indicating anything about their materials or form. The most interesting term, in verse 19, is “thick clothing.” Even up to the time of the European conquest, quilted “thick clothing” was the primary protective armor. The Spaniards felt that it was actually superior to their metal armor. It appears to have stopped arrows better and was cooler and more comfortable than metal armor. Many Spanish Conquistadors wore it instead of metal body armor.
Mormon appears to credit Chief Captain Moroni with the invention of this type of protective gear, but it is more likely that Captain Moroni was attempting to distribute this gear to all the army rather than to just the few who might have been well enough off to have provided their own.
Nephite preparation with protective armor is contrasted with the lack of protective armor for Zerahemnah’s armies.
22 Behold, now it came to pass that they durst not come against the Nephites in the borders of Jershon; therefore they departed out of the land of Antionum into the wilderness, and took their journey round about in the wilderness, away by the head of the river Sidon, that they might come into the land of Manti and take possession of the land; for they did not suppose that the armies of Moroni would know whither they had gone.
23 But it came to pass, as soon as they had departed into the wilderness Moroni sent spies into the wilderness to watch their camp; and Moroni, also, knowing of the prophecies of Alma, sent certain men unto him, desiring him that he should inquire of the Lord whither the armies of the Nephites should go to defend themselves against the Lamanites.
24 And it came to pass that the word of the Lord came unto Alma, and Alma informed the messengers of Moroni, that the armies of the Lamanites were marching round about in the wilderness, that they might come over into the land of Manti, that they might commence an attack upon the weaker part of the people. And those messengers went and delivered the message unto Moroni.
25 Now Moroni, leaving a part of his army in the land of Jershon, lest by any means a part of the Lamanites should come into that land and take possession of the city, took the remaining part of his army and marched over into the land of Manti.
Seeing the defending army wearing protective gear changed the Amalekite army’s plans. They left the field and went south and west to enter Nephite lands through the more traditional entry point near Manti, an entry point that led directly to the heart of the land of Zarahemla.
Militarily, we see Moroni consulting with Alma2 to know where the Lamanites would go. Moroni likely knew that Zoram had done the very same thing, and Alma2 had been able to tell him where to go to find the army fleeing after the destruction of Ammonihah (see Alma 16:5–6). Moroni gets an answer and is able to bring part of his army to bear at the entry point before the Amalekites could press their attack.
The geographic implication of this action is interesting. The Amalekites have the advantage of beginning their march first. Moroni has to wait to know where they were going. When he finds out, he has to get his army in place quickly. How does he get there faster? It appears that the circuit from the southeastern corner of the land of Nephi was longer and or more difficult than a journey through the Sidon River valley. Moroni’s path would have been shorter, and probably more easily traveled than the route taken by Zerahemnah.
26 And he caused that all the people in that quarter of the land should gather themselves together to battle against the Lamanites, to defend their lands and their country, their rights and their liberties; therefore they were prepared against the time of the coming of the Lamanites.
27 And it came to pass that Moroni caused that his army should be secreted in the valley which was near the bank of the river Sidon, which was on the west of the river Sidon in the wilderness.
28 And Moroni placed spies round about, that he might know when the camp of the Lamanites should come.
One of the important aspects of what Chief Captain Moroni did was to cause “that all the people in that quarter of the land should gather themselves together to battle.” Moroni did not bring his entire army, but in addition to those he did bring, he rallied those who lived in that quarter to come to the defense of the land. Therefore, he mustered more men than just those who came with him.
One of the differences we see in these war chapters from what we have seen before, or will see again, is a more detailed look at armor, armaments, and tactics. As a military man, it is certain that Mormon is interested in such things, but it is also probable that we get the information in these chapters because of his admiration for Chief Captain Moroni, rather than simply because of his interest in military things. Mormon admired him enough to name a son after him. We probably get the details of these wars, not for the wars per se, but as examples of the valor and importance of the men who are prominent in the stories of these wars. These wars are where we learn of Chief Captain Moroni, Lehi2, and Teancum. The wars continue into the book of Helaman, and there we will hear of Helaman1 and his stripling warriors. Mormon is interested in the people involved in these wars, and therefore we get the details that help us understand those heroes.
29 And now, as Moroni knew the intention of the Lamanites, that it was their intention to destroy their brethren, or to subject them and bring them into bondage that they might establish a kingdom unto themselves over all the land;
30 And he also knowing that it was the only desire of the Nephites to preserve their lands, and their liberty, and their church, therefore he thought it no sin that he should defend them by stratagem; therefore, he found by his spies which course the Lamanites were to take.
It is unlikely that this justification for Chief Captain Moroni’s actions were on the large plates. It is an interesting view into the mind of a military man that Mormon needs to justify Moroni’s action of defending the Nephites by a stratagem. Mormon implies that such tactics might not be completely honorable. Nevertheless, because the intent behind them was honorable, Mormon sees the stratagem as justified.
The only reason for the inclusion of these two verses in an otherwise straightforward telling of the military situation is that Mormon had some level of discomfort with the idea of defeating an enemy by essentially using trickery rather than what he must have felt was a more honorable face-to-face conflict.
31 Therefore, he divided his army and brought a part over into the valley, and concealed them on the east, and on the south of the hill Riplah;
32 And the remainder he concealed in the west valley, on the west of the river Sidon, and so down into the borders of the land Manti.
33 And thus having placed his army according to his desire, he was prepared to meet them.
34 And it came to pass that the Lamanites came up on the north of the hill, where a part of the army of Moroni was concealed.
It is again worth noting how much time Moroni had to prepare his defense before the Lamanites arrived. He called up more men, and then organized them into two groups and placed them in their desired locations. What Moroni does is split the army, concealing one part on the east, where they could be hidden by the hill Riplah from an army coming down from the north.
The other army is hiding in the west valley. The intent is to bring the Lamanite army between the two halves of Moroni’s forces, one on each side of the River Sidon. Crucial to this story is that there must have been a known ford where even the Lamanites understood they could cross the river on foot.
35 And as the Lamanites had passed the hill Riplah, and came into the valley, and began to cross the river Sidon, the army which was concealed on the south of the hill, which was led by a man whose name was Lehi, and he led his army forth and encircled the Lamanites about on the east in their rear.
36 And it came to pass that the Lamanites, when they saw the Nephites coming upon them in their rear, turned them about and began to contend with the army of Lehi.
Part of the military plan used the river itself as part of the defense. Once the Lamanite army was in the river, they were less mobile by the very nature of crossing through water. Thus, Lehi2, the Nephite army’s leader, waits until the Lamanites have begun crossing, and then institutes a surprise attack on their rear. This attack from the rear not only would cause the Lamanites to have to rapidly reorient themselves, but it also would delay some of the Lamanite army from coming against the Nephites precisely because they were already in the river.
37 And the work of death commenced on both sides, but it was more dreadful on the part of the Lamanites, for their nakedness was exposed to the heavy blows of the Nephites with their swords and their cimeters, which brought death almost at every stroke.
38 While on the other hand, there was now and then a man fell among the Nephites, by their swords and the loss of blood, they being shielded from the more vital parts of the body, or the more vital parts of the body being shielded from the strokes of the Lamanites, by their breastplates, and their armshields, and their head-plates; and thus the Nephites did carry on the work of death among the Lamanites.
39 And it came to pass that the Lamanites became frightened, because of the great destruction among them, even until they began to flee towards the river Sidon.
40 And they were pursued by Lehi and his men; and they were driven by Lehi into the waters of Sidon, and they crossed the waters of Sidon. And Lehi retained his armies upon the bank of the river Sidon that they should not cross.
The surprise attack was successful. Although there are casualties on both sides, they appear to be greater among the Lamanites. Thus, the Lamanites saw a difficult task in attempting to fight Lehi2’s army; they also saw that they might cross the river and perhaps escape, so they fled into the river to presumed safety on the other side.
Lehi2 knew that Moroni’s second army was on that side of the river, so he halted his army to prevent the Lamanites from coming back that way in order to escape their new battlefront.
41 And it came to pass that Moroni and his army met the Lamanites in the valley, on the other side of the river Sidon, and began to fall upon them and to slay them.
42 And the Lamanites did flee again before them, towards the land of Manti; and they were met again by the armies of Moroni.
The Lamanites now have an army at their rear, though across a river and not an immediate threat. They also had an army in front of them, and they were not winning the battle. Once again, they flee. This time they proceed down the river valley in the land of Manti, heading toward Zarahemla.
The original description of Moroni’s action divided the army in two. Where did this third army come from? The best answer is that the army that Moroni brought with him was the one divided, and the one that was in the land on the south was the army raised from the men of that land. These were men who were directly defending their homes, and therefore they were highly motivated, if not particularly trained.
43 Now in this case the Lamanites did fight exceedingly; yea, never had the Lamanites been known to fight with such exceedingly great strength and courage, no, not even from the beginning.
44 And they were inspired by the Zoramites and the Amalekites, who were their chief captains and leaders, and by Zerahemnah, who was their chief captain, or their chief leader and commander; yea, they did fight like dragons, and many of the Nephites were slain by their hands, yea, for they did smite in two many of their head-plates, and they did pierce many of their breastplates, and they did smite off many of their arms; and thus the Lamanites did smite in their fierce anger.
The Lamanites are trapped with no way to flee. They have an army in front of them, and one at their heels. They were fighting for their lives, and it is no surprise that they fought fiercely. The image used is that “they did fight like dragons.” Of course, there were no dragons in the Asian or European sense. In the New World, it might have been the image of a crocodile as the monster that inspired an image of dragons.
We learn a little more of the nature of Nephite protective armor when Mormon tells us that the Lamanites “did smite in two many of their head-plates.” Something other than a European helmet is being described, and it is likely that it was made of wood, and therefore being split in two.
45 Nevertheless, the Nephites were inspired by a better cause, for they were not fighting for monarchy nor power but they were fighting for their homes and their liberties, their wives and their children, and their all, yea, for their rites of worship and their church.
46 And they were doing that which they felt was the duty which they owed to their God; for the Lord had said unto them, and also unto their fathers, that: Inasmuch as ye are not guilty of the first offense, neither the second, ye shall not suffer yourselves to be slain by the hands of your enemies.
47 And again, the Lord has said that: Ye shall defend your families even unto bloodshed. Therefore for this cause were the Nephites contending with the Lamanites, to defend themselves, and their families, and their lands, their country, and their rights, and their religion.
Mormon continues to be concerned with the morality of warfare. Where earlier he had to defend Moroni’s use of a stratagem (verse 30), here he defends war itself. “[T]he Nephites were inspired by a better cause.” “They were doing that which they felt was the duty which they owed to their God.” To those justifications, he adds God’s commands concerning warfare. The Nephites are justified in defending themselves, if they are not initiating the war (“not guilty of the first offense”). When diplomacy failed, “ye shall not suffer yourselves to be slain by the hands of your enemies.” Although not intended as a contrast to the Anti-Nephi-Lehies, that command from God indicates the very unusual and special nature of the covenant that they had made with God.
48 And it came to pass that when the men of Moroni saw the fierceness and the anger of the Lamanites, they were about to shrink and flee from them. And Moroni, perceiving their intent, sent forth and inspired their hearts with these thoughts—yea, the thoughts of their lands, their liberty, yea, their freedom from bondage.
49 And it came to pass that they turned upon the Lamanites, and they cried with one voice unto the Lord their God, for their liberty and their freedom from bondage.
50 And they began to stand against the Lamanites with power; and in that selfsame hour that they cried unto the Lord for their freedom, the Lamanites began to flee before them; and they fled even to the waters of Sidon.
Even with the tactical advantages of position and protective armor, the Nephites find that they are in danger of losing the battle. That is when Moroni rallies them. He encourages them to remember what they are fighting for. They do remember, and the tide of the battle turns again. The Lamanites attempt to flee one last time, attempting again to cross the Sidon to the east side, where they may not have known that Lehi2’s army had remained.
51 Now, the Lamanites were more numerous, yea, by more than double the number of the Nephites; nevertheless, they were driven insomuch that they were gathered together in one body in the valley, upon the bank by the river Sidon.
52 Therefore the armies of Moroni encircled them about, yea, even on both sides of the river, for behold, on the east were the men of Lehi.
53 Therefore when Zerahemnah saw the men of Lehi on the east of the river Sidon, and the armies of Moroni on the west of the river Sidon, that they were encircled about by the Nephites, they were struck with terror.
54 Now Moroni, when he saw their terror, commanded his men that they should stop shedding their blood.
The river again comes into play in the military situation. Rather than being able to flee as a unit, the Lamanites have had to form some smaller line to cross the river. Hence there are some on the west bank, some on the river, and when those who emerged from the east side of the river found land, they also found Lehi2 and his army. They are in an indefensible position.
Moroni does not pursue a war of destruction, but, upon seeing the inevitable defeat of his enemy, he stops the battle. There is no chapter break at this point in the 1830 edition, and indeed, the story continues with the immediate aftermath of halting the fighting.
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