Evidence #166 | March 15, 2021
Book of Mormon Evidence: Abduction of Lamanite Maidens
Post contributed by
Scripture Central

Abstract
The story of the abduction of the Lamanite daughters by the priests of Noah is consistent with several ancient legal and social conventions.An Abduction Narrative in the Book of Mormon
The opening verses in Mosiah 20 give an account of the priests of Noah who had fled for their lives after Noah was burned to death. Hiding in the wilderness, the priests one day abducted 24 Lamanite maidens who were gathered to sing and dance at a place called Shemlon. This event sparked a war between the Nephites and Lamanites, who mistakenly assumed the Nephites (rather than Noah’s priests) stole their daughters (vv. 1–6).
Later on, an army of Lamanites accidentally stumbled upon these priests, who were led by a man named Amulon (Mosiah 23:30–32). In order to protect themselves, the priests “sent forth their wives, who were the daughters of the Lamanites, to plead with their brethren that they should not destroy their husbands. And the Lamanites had compassion on Amulon and his brethren, and did not destroy them, because of their wives” (v. 34). While the outcome of this story is jarringly at odds with modern-day values, it nevertheless reflects the legal and social conventions prevalent in many ancient societies.
An Abduction Narrative in the Book of Judges
A similar story is found in the book of Judges. In response to the abuse and murder of a Levite concubine, a coalition of Israelite tribes went to war with the tribe of Benjamin, which ended with the Benjaminite men being almost completely eradicated (Judges 19–20).
To remedy this problem, the Israelite coalition planned for the men of Benjamin to abduct dancing maidens at Shiloh, who were gathered there for an annual celebration known as the Fifteenth of Av (Judges 21:17–22). This festival, which appears to date back to the time of Moses, was “primarily a matrimonial holiday” in which young males, after completing their summer chores, would “turn their attention to ‘bride-hunting,’ and the dance of the maidens was ‘designed to meet that end.’”1
Taking advantage of these festivities, the men of Benjamin hid in the vineyards and then “took them wives, according to their number, of them that danced, whom they caught” (Judges 21:23). This story has several similarities with the narrative in Mosiah (see Appendix), leading several scholars to conclude that the dancing of the Lamanite daughters may have taken place in a similar festival context.2
Fertility Celebrations and Abduction Narratives in Ancient Literature
Accounts of female fertility rites and abduction are common in the ancient Near East and Mediterranean.3 Because of its close similarity to the narrative in Mosiah, one famous story, often referred to as “The Rape of the Sabine Women,” is worth summarizing in detail.4
Legend has it that in the earliest period of the Roman Republic, its predominantly male population was worried that without more female counterparts their society would collapse. Because efforts to find wives among surrounding peoples proved unsuccessful, the Romans abducted a group of thirty Sabine women during a festival celebration. This event initiated a war between the Romans and Sabines. Yet as the final battle ensued, the Sabine women rushed into the midst of the conflict to plead on behalf of their new Roman husbands, as well as their Sabine fathers and brothers.
Alan Goff has argued that “the rape wasn’t a crime of overwhelming passion or violence as we modems tend to view rape. The rape was a political tool, a forced marriage to provide safe haven in a hostile location.”5 And the gambit apparently paid off, just as it had for Noah’s priests. The very women over whom the war was being fought proved instrumental in bringing it to a peaceful resolution. After hearing the pleadings of their daughters and sisters, the Sabine men agreed to unite with the Romans and become one people.
The Legal View of Women in Ancient Societies
The similarities found in these accounts is likely due, at least in part, to prevailing marriage customs and to women’s limited autonomy and almost non-existent legal rights in ancient times.6 “Assuming that biblical law has something to tell us about the dancing daughters of the Lamanites, these girls are valuable and vulnerable because they are at the stage to be given to a husband, but not yet given.”7 Once a victim of rape, “the formerly nubile woman would only have lived a life of desolation, unless the rape-for-marriage could be socially validated in marriage.”8
In other words, the best chance for preservation and reintegration into society that Amulon and his priests had was to send forth their abductees (now their wives) in the hopes that the Lamanites would rather legitimize their marriages instead of exacting revenge. For the Lamanites, these would have been seen as the only viable options, seeing that the Lamanite daughters would no longer have value (culturally speaking) after their virtue had been stolen through forced sexual relations.9
Perhaps sensitive to their daughters’ circumstances and also recognizing that Amulon and his priests were of more value alive than dead, the Lamanites apparently chose to legitimize the relationships. This explains why Amulon shows up just a few chapters later as being in league with them (Mosiah 24:1–4). This outcome is similar to the Roman narrative, where the Sabines eventually united with the Romans for the sake of their daughters.
Conclusion
For modern readers, the account of the abduction of the Lamanite daughters may come across as a bizarre and even disturbing series of events and circumstances. Why would the Lamanite daughters be dancing in an apparently secluded place away from the city? Why would Noah’s priests forcibly abduct and then marry them? And then—most strangely of all—why would these daughters plead with the Lamanites to not harm their captors once they were discovered?10 All of these questions are satisfactorily answered when the narrative is placed in an ancient context.
The dancing and singing of the daughters was likely connected to matrimonial festivities. By abducting and then marrying these maidens Noah’s priests (1) regained their status as married patriarchs, (2) procured a possible means of protection if the Lamanites ever discovered their whereabouts, and (3) provided a path to reintegrate with society. As for the Lamanite daughters, they pled on behalf of their captors-turned-husbands because as females with limited autonomy that was the only way to preserve their value and social status. This seems to be exactly the outcome that the priests were expecting or at least hoping for.
On each of these points, the Book of Mormon is consistent with ancient legal and social conventions. As argued by Goff, the “stealing of the daughters of the Lamanites is nothing if not a sophisticated narrative that seems to fit the pattern of matrimonial dancing festivals as well as any example from the Bible.”11
It shouldn’t be assumed, however, that the Book of Mormon narrative is merely derivative in nature. It takes the ancient and widespread abduction motif—what may amount to a literary “type-scene” which was gounded in actual cultural practices and legal customs—and integrates it into its own complex narrative structure for its own intents and purposes.12 This type of complex literary allusion is typical of ancient Hebrew authors.13
Jack Welch, “How the Lamanite Daughters may have been Abducted on an Israelite Holiday,” BMC Blog, online at bookofmormoncentral.org;
S. Kent Brown, “Marriage and Treaty in the Book of Mormon: The Case of the Abducted Lamanite Daughters,” in From Jerusalem to Zarahemla: Literary and Historical Studies of the Book of Mormon (Provo, UT: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1998), 99–112; reprinted in The Disciple as Scholar: Essays on Scripture and the Ancient World in Honor of Richard Lloyd Anderson, ed. Stephen D. Ricks, Donald W. Parry, and Andrew H. Hedges (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book, 2000).
John W. Welch, Robert F. Smith, and Gordon C. Thomasson, “Dancing Maidens and the Fifteenth of Av,” in Reexploring the Book of Mormon: A Decade of New Research, ed. John W. Welch (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1992), 139.
Alan Goff, “The Stealing of the Daughters of the Lamanites,” in Rediscovering the Book of Mormon: Insights You May Have Missed Before, ed. John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1991), 67–74.
Alan Goff, “A Hermeneutic of Sacred Texts: Historicism, Revisionism, Positivism, and the Bible and Book of Mormon,” (MA dissertation, Brigham Young University, 1970), 64–91.
Bible
Book of Mormon
Feature | Judges | Mosiah |
Maidens Gather for Dancing | “And see, and, behold, if the daughters of Shiloh come out to dance in dances” (21:21) | Now there was a place in Shemlon where the daughters of the Lamanites did gather themselves together to sing, and to dance” (20:1) |
Dancing Occurs Regularly | “Then they said, Behold, there is a feast of the Lord in Shiloh yearly in a place which is on the north side of Beth-el” (21:19) | “And it came to pass that there was one day [implying that the dancing there occurred on other days] a small number of them gathered together to sing and to dance” (20:2) |
Dancing Occurs at a Designated Location | “Then they said, Behold, there is a feast of the Lord in Shiloh yearly in a place which is on the north side of Beth-el” (21:19) | “Now there was a place in Shemlon where the daughters of the Lamanites did gather themselves” (20:1) |
Outcasted Men Were Hiding in the Wilderness for Safety | “But six hundred men turned and fled to the wilderness unto the rock Rimmon, and abode in the rock Rimmon four months.” (20:47). | “And now the priests of king Noah, being ashamed to return to the city of Nephi, yea, and also fearing that the people would slay them, therefore they durst not return to their wives and their children. And having tarried in the wilderness” (20:3–4) |
Men Lie in Wait | “Go and lie in wait in the vineyards” (21:20) | “And having tarried in the wilderness, and having discovered the daughters of the Lamanites, they laid and watched them” (20:4) |
Men Capture Maidens | “then come ye out of the vineyards, and catch you every man his wife of the daughters of Shiloh” (21:21) | “they came forth out of their secret places and took them and carried them into the wilderness” (20:5) |
Men Take Maidens to Wife | “And the children of Benjamin did so, and took them wives, according to their number, of them that danced” (21:23) | “And it came to pass that Amulon did plead with the Lamanites; and he also sent forth their wives, who were the daughters of the Lamanites” (23:33) |
- 1. John W. Welch, Robert F. Smith, and Gordon C. Thomasson, “Dancing Maidens and the Fifteenth of Av,” in Reexploring the Book of Mormon: A Decade of New Research, ed. John W. Welch (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1992), 139.
- 2. See Jack Welch, “How the Lamanite Daughters may have been Abducted on an Israelite Holiday,” BMC Blog, online at bookofmormoncentral.org; Welch, et al., “Dancing Maidens and the Fifteenth of Av,” 139–141; Alan Goff, “The Stealing of the Daughters of the Lamanites,” in Rediscovering the Book of Mormon: Insights You May Have Missed Before, ed. John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1991), 67–74; Alan Goff, “A Hermeneutic of Sacred Texts: Historicism, Revisionism, Positivism, and the Bible and Book of Mormon,” (MA dissertation, Brigham Young University, 1970), 64–91; Robert F. Smith, Urim: Oracles & Talismans; Forgery & Pansophia; Joseph Smith, Jr., as a Renaissance Magus (2006 draft manuscript provided to Evidence Central staff by the author), 221–225.
- 3. Robert F. Smith, for example, has drawn attention to their presence in ancient Roman, Greek, Egyptian, and Canaanite texts. Noting that the pattern is particularly rich in Greek sources, he cites such examples as the Delphian Thyads engaging in spring fertility rituals on Mount Parnassus, the Messenians stealing maidens from Laconia, and Persephone’s abduction by Hades. Similar themes are found in tales such as Psyche and Cupid, Paris and Helen, Boreas and Orithya, and Herakles and Deianeira. From Sumerian literature, Smith points to the rape of Ninlil by Enlil and of Ereshkigal by Nergal. In addition to the famous Rape of the Sabine Women, Smith also references the rape of Rhea Silvia by the god Mars. Smith, Urim, 222–224.
- 4. A helpful overview can be found on Wikipedia under the title “The Rape of the Sabine Women.” For analysis connecting this event with the Book of Mormon, see Goff, “A Hermeneutic of Sacred Texts,” 64–66.
- 5. Goff, “A Hermeneutic of Sacred Texts,” 65.
- 6. See Goff, “A Hermeneutic of Sacred Texts,” 78–83; S. Kent Brown, “Marriage and Treaty in the Book of Mormon,” in From Jerusalem to Zarahemla: Literary and Historical Studies of the Book of Mormon (Provo, UT: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1998), 99–112; Robert S. Kawashima, “Could a Woman Say ‘No’ in Biblical Israel? On the Genealogy of Legal Status in Biblical Law and Literature,” AJS Review 35 no. 1 (2011): 1–22.
- 7. Goff, “A Hermeneutic of Sacred Texts,” 80.
- 8. Goff, “A Hermeneutic of Sacred Texts,” 80.
- 9. See Goff, “A Hermeneutic of Sacred Texts,” 78–83.
- 10. Readers today would likely expect that such victims of rape would want nothing to do with their captors and that Lamanite society would never accept into their tribe a group of men who had abducted and forcibly married—by modern standards, raped—their daughters. It should also be pointed out that the Book of Mormon doesn’t by any means condone such behavior. As explained by Goff, “A Hermeneutic of Sacred Texts,” 86, “Clearly the text disapproves of all Amulon and his brethren do. Citing the parallel case from Judges of doing what is right in mans eyes is only one way of showing this disapproval.” See also p. 87: “All of these things show the wicked priests very badly in the reader’s eyes and the fact that the king of the Lamanites is willing to countenance the stealing and raping of the daughters of the Lamanites by welcoming the Amulonites into his kingdom speaks badly of the Lamanite king. The people of Limhi, on the other hand, ‘fought for their lives and for their wives, and for their children’ (20:11).”
- 11. Goff, “A Hermeneutic of Sacred Texts,” 77.
- 12. See Goff, “A Hermeneutic of Sacred Texts,” 70–74.
- 13. See Goff, “A Hermeneutic of Sacred Texts,” 64–91, esp. 71–74. See also Cynthia Edenburg, Dismembering the Whole: Composition and Purpose of Judges 19–21 (Atlanta, GA: SBL, 2016); Sara J. Milstein, “Saul the Levite and His Concubine: The ‘Allusive’ Quality of Judges 19,” Vetus Testamentum 66, facs. 1 (2016): 95–116. Phyllis Trible, Texts of Terror: Literary-Feminist Readings of the Biblical Narrative (Philadelphia, PA: Fortress, 1984), 90.